Chapter Thirty-Two: The Struggle Between Governor and Inspector

At this time, Ye Xianggao finally arrived in the capital and entered the Grand Secretariat. Of course, in a slight departure from historical precedent, Fang Congzhe remained as the chief grand secretary, with Ye Xianggao as his deputy. Together with Liu Yiji and Han Kuang, there were four members in the cabinet. Ye Xianggao, being Wang Huazhen’s former mentor, naturally supported him. Meanwhile, the Minister of War, Zhang Heming, had a poor relationship with Xiong Tingbi (in truth, few at court were friendly with Xiong Tingbi, including members of the Chu faction, for Xiong’s caustic tongue had made him many enemies). Xiong had once mocked both Zhang and Ye, calling them military ignoramuses. Zhang admired Wang Huazhen and, under his indulgence, rumors began to circulate at court suggesting that Xiong should be removed and Wang installed as supreme commander to oversee all affairs in Liaodong.

Zhu Youjiao, recognizing that the ongoing friction between the supreme commander and provincial governor was detrimental to Liaodong, attempted to resolve the matter when Xiong Tingbi returned from the frontier to Youtun, proposing that Xiong should exercise command over Wang and that they should defend Guangning together.

Ye Xianggao would have none of it; he supported Wang’s independence from Xiong’s authority and memorialized the emperor, saying, “If Wang Huazhen is made subordinate to Xiong, all at court will deem it unworkable.”

Soon after, Wang submitted his own memorial, claiming that if granted full authority over Liaodong, he would need only sixty thousand troops to pacify the region by the following March. Xiong Tingbi dismissed this as empty boasting, and the two began a war of words through their memorials.

A victory by the capital garrison transformed the city into a sea of joy. Not long before, news of Mao Wenlong’s triumph had already stirred excitement, though he had merely taken a few hundred heads; this time, over fourteen hundred enemy heads were counted, with more than six hundred belonging to the “real barbarians.” The ministers exchanged congratulations, convinced that with Wang Huazhen in command, Liaodong’s fortunes were on the rise and the Jurchens would soon be swept away.

Thus, when the young emperor again suggested placing Wang under Xiong’s command, the officials responded with anger. It was clear to them that Wang had achieved great merit while Xiong had merely advocated a defensive stance. Now, to force Wang to submit to Xiong’s authority seemed absurd. At Ye Xianggao’s prompting, Zuo Guangdou stepped forward to object, arguing that Wang’s proposal to pacify Liaodong was realistic, as proven by the recent victories of Mao Wenlong and the capital troops. Xiong's strategy of passive defense, he claimed, merely wasted the treasury with little effect and left the Han civilians of Liaodong in peril.

One by one, ministers submitted memorials supporting Wang and opposing Xiong, including Ye Xianggao, Liu Yiji, Han Kuang, and the Minister of War, Zhang Heming. All were members of the Donglin faction. Fang Congzhe, meanwhile, stood alone in supporting Xiong Tingbi, maintaining that only by unifying command under one man could Liaodong’s affairs prosper.

Sensing the unfavorable tide, Zhu Youjiao was compelled to drop his proposal. The ministers, seeing the emperor finally yield and abandon his misguided notion, were much relieved, thinking that while the young sovereign lacked foresight, at least he was far more receptive to counsel than his grandfather.

The emperor then retained Fang Congzhe, the other cabinet members, and the Minister of War, bringing them together in the Western Warming Chamber. After they were seated, Zhu Youjiao distributed the memorials from the commanders of the Imperial Guard for all to read. Once finished, a heavy silence fell.

“What are your true thoughts after reading these, gentlemen?” Zhu Youjiao swept his gaze around the room. “Minister of War, this is your domain; you speak first.”

Zhang Heming’s lips moved twice, but no words emerged. After a light cough, he said, “What Vice Magistrate Yang speaks is but his personal opinion, and he is young—his judgment of character may not be reliable.” This was a weak argument, for the emperor had already noted that the memorial was co-authored by three Imperial Guard commanders, and Zhou Yuxi and Cao Wenzhao were both grown men. Zhu Youjiao ignored him and turned to Ye Xianggao.

Ye said, “Wang Huazhen is determined to pacify Liaodong in Your Majesty’s name and restore the great Ming realm. His sincerity and devotion are plain for all to see. Should Xiong Tingbi be placed in command over him, the rationale would be unclear to all, and it would unsettle the troops in Guangning, to the detriment of Liaodong’s cause.”

Fang Congzhe retorted, “We all know Wang Huazhen’s sincerity. But sincerity alone cannot pacify Liaodong—I, for one, do not believe it. I recommend not that Xiong Tingbi command Wang, but rather that Wang be reassigned elsewhere, and that full authority over Liaodong be vested in Xiong alone.”

This gave Ye Xianggao and his allies an opening. Liu Yiji remarked, “If, as the chief grand secretary says, Xiong Tingbi ultimately fails in Liaodong, then what?” The implication was clear: if Xiong failed, how would Fang answer for his recommendation?

Unexpectedly, Fang Congzhe replied, “If Xiong Tingbi mishandles Liaodong and is found guilty, then I too will bear the blame.” He thus bound his own fate to Xiong’s; if Xiong fell, he would resign as well.

Zhu Youjiao quickly stepped in to mediate. “Why quarrel so bitterly, gentlemen? Here is my suggestion: at tomorrow’s court meeting, all ministers will choose whom they support for Liaodong affairs; the one with the most support will remain, while the other shall be reassigned. Let us not let this matter drag on.”

The next day, on the twentieth of November, at the morning audience, the emperor laid out the rules: “Yesterday, the chief grand secretary pledged his own position to support Xiong Tingbi’s authority in Liaodong. Today, each of you will declare your support for one candidate; the one with more supporters will remain in Liaodong, the other will be reassigned.”

Word of this had spread among the grandees the previous day, and all were eager to topple “Big Mouth Xiong.”

No sooner had the emperor finished than Fang Congzhe stepped forward: “I, Fang Congzhe, pledge my support for Xiong Tingbi’s sole authority in Liaodong. Should he err and be condemned, I will share his fate.”

Such a breach of protocol by the chief grand secretary left the ministers stunned. Now that Fang had tied his fate to Xiong’s, how could the others respond? None wished to be similarly bound to Wang Huazhen. Nevertheless, Zuo Guangdou stepped forward: “Given the recent string of victories by Mao Wenlong and the capital garrison—both under Wang Huazhen’s oversight—it is clear that Liaodong’s fortunes are on the rise. Therefore, I believe Wang should lead Liaodong’s affairs.”

This reminded the Donglin ministers that, while the future was uncertain, the two recent victories had nothing to do with Xiong Tingbi. They would not, like Fang Congzhe, foolishly tie their fate to his. Wang, after all, was one of their own, while Xiong was of the Chu faction—a different party, and thus of questionable loyalty. Besides, in matters of war, who could say what the outcome would be? If Wang succeeded, all the better for their faction; if he failed, they could simply replace him with another of their own. Preventing their rivals from gaining power and ensuring Donglin dominance was the true objective.